Nyerere Education Idea and It Aplication to Conteporary...

Educational Research and Review Vol. 4 (4), pp. 111-116, April 2009 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ERR ISSN 1990-3839  © 2008 Academic Journals Full Length Research Paper The implications of Nyerere’s theory of education to contemporary education in Kenya Joseph W. Nasongo1* and Lydiah L. Musungu2 2 Department of Educational Foundations, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. Department of Educational Planning and Management, Masinde Muliro University of Science and Technology, Kenya. Accepted 26 March, 2009 1 The question of relevance regarding education in human society is perennial. In the developing countries, education is considered to be a panacea for development. In Kenya, various†¦show more content†¦*Corresponding author. E-mail: jwamocha@yahoo.com. 112 Educ. Res. Rev. In this paper, Nyerere’s views on education are examined with a view to determine the extent of their relevance to contemporary theory of education in Kenya. This analysis is concerned with 3 aspects. First, an exploration of possible theoretical contexts of his views on education is undertaken with a view to obtaining a basis for an intelligible discussion. Second, an examination of education for self-reliance is undertaken. This is followed by an analysis of education for liberation as espoused by Nyerere. This is followed by a delineation of salient views that can enrich contemporary education in Kenya. Theoretical framework The liberal theory Liberalism envisions the ideal society to be one that embraces a wide range of individual liberties. These include, personal dignity, free expression, religious tolerance, right to own property, freedom of association, transparency of government, limitations on government power, the rule of law, equality, free market economy and free trade (Wikipedia,http://en.wikipedia.org/Liberalisms). It is incumbent upon government to uphold these freedoms in order to guarantee stability and peace. In addition, liberalism tends to encourage representative democratic governance. Here, the elected representatives are guided by the rule of law under the overall guidance of the constitution. Enshrined in the constitution are

Kubla Khan by Samuel Taylor Coleridge Essay - 1147 Words

â€Å"Kubla Khan† by Samuel Taylor Coleridge â€Å"Kubla Khan† by Samuel Taylor Coleridge is a poem about the creative powers of the poetic mind. Through the use of vivid imagery Coleridge reproduces a paradise-like vision of the landscape and kingdom created by Kubla Khan. The poem changes to the 1st person narrative and the speaker then attempts to recreate a vision he saw. Through the description of the visions of Kubla Khan’s palace and the speaker’s visions the poem tells of the creation of an enchanting beautiful world as the result of power of human imagination. The second part of the poem reveals that although the mind has the ability to create this paradise-like world it is tragically unable to sustain this world. It is†¦show more content†¦By describing the dome as a â€Å"pleasure dome† the poet presents Khan’s kingdom as paradise-like. This paradise-kingdom consists of ten miles of â€Å"fertile ground† surrounded securely by walls that are â€Å"girdled† around. Its gardens are bright, and â€Å"blossoming with many an incense bearing tree† and are watered by wandering streams. The location of the palace is important, it is built â€Å"where Alph, the sacred river, ran.† The name Alph is an allusion to the mythical Greek river that flows under ground and rises in fountains. The river is described as sacred because it brings life through it’s â€Å"sinuous rills† in the garden of the pleasure dome. With out the existence of the river the â€Å"pleasure dome† could not exist. The river, the sacred thing that gives life to Khan’s creation runs â€Å"through caverns measureless to man/down to a sunless sea†. The destination of the sacred river of the pleasure dome is â€Å"measureless† or inconceivable to man. The river metaphorically represents nature as the source of life of all mans creation. As men cannot measure these caverns, the poet can not completely comprehend the power and dimension of natures influence on poetry but is dependant on it. In the second stanza the poem shifts focus from the perfect â€Å"pleasure dome† created by â€Å"Kubla Khan† to the tumultuous landscape that surrounds it. The â€Å"sunny spots of greenery† in Khan’s realm in the first stanza are interrupted with the exclamation of â€Å"But Oh!† and the reader isShow MoreRelated Analysis of Kubla Khan by Samuel Taylor Coleridge Essay451 Words   |  2 PagesAnalysis of Kubla Khan by Samuel Taylor Coleridge Kubla Khan by Samuel Taylor Coleridge reveals the power of the imaginative poetry. This poetry has the ability to create kingdoms and paradise. In this poem Coleridge is expressing heaven and hell through his own eyes just as the aplostles did in the ?Bible? and Milton did in Paradise Lost. The poem begins with a mythical tone, ?In Xanadu did Kubla Khan/ A stately pleasure dome decree.? The poem does not give specificsRead MoreAnalysis Of Samuel Taylor Coleridge s Kubla Khan 1778 Words   |  8 PagesExperts widely regard Samuel Taylor Coleridge as one of the few major leaders of British Romanticism. His poems, both individual works and collaborations with another Romantic leader, William Wordsworth, are proof of this. His works incorporated ideas that are often found in Romantic poetry, such as a reverence for nature, emphasis on emotion and imagination over reason and logic, and other themes that contradicted thinkers of the Age of Reason. Coleridge assisted in the change from EnlightenmentRead MoreEssay on Kubla Khan: A Miracle of Rare Device1330 Words   |  6 Pages Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s poem â€Å"Kubla Khan† is a masterpiece of ambiguity; from its inception to its meaning. â€Å"Kubla Khan† is a poem of abundant literary devic es; most notably these devices include metaphors, allusions, internal rhyme, anthropomorphism, simile, alliteration, and perhaps most of all structure. But the devices that Coleridge used to create â€Å"Kubla Khan† is at the very least what makes this poem provocative; Coleridge’s opium induced vision and utopian ideals combined with his literaryRead Moreâ€Å"Kubla Khan:† A Description of Earthly Paradise Essay example1998 Words   |  8 Pages â€Å"Kubla Khan† by Samuel Taylor Coleridge is said to be â€Å"one of the best remembered works of the Romantic period,† (Gray) and though this poem may seem speak deeply about the world, its conception was fairly simple: Coleridge had been reading a book about Kubla Khan in Xanadu (by a man named Samuel Purchas) before falling into a deep sleep induced by an opium mixture to which he had long since had an addiction. When he awoke from this drug induced stupor, he had apparently 200 to 300 lines of Read MoreSound and Sense in Kubla Kahn816 Words   |  3 PagesIn his attempt to explore the definition of the poem, Samuel Taylor Coleridge concludes that a poem is distinguished from the works of science by, Proposing for its immediate object pleasure, not truth. The recent denotation of pleasure to solely sensual enjoyment makes his definition seem a subjective belief. However, by pleasure, Coleridge means recognition of, The beauty of the universe, to borrow Wordsworths words, and gives it a metaphysical layer (Gilpin.) Coleridges second clauseRead MoreKubla Khan: A Dream, or Something Greater Essay2208 Words   |  9 Pagesaccurately, but write from recollection, and trust more to the imagination than the memory.† Coleridge followed his own advice in the crafting of Kubla Khan; which presents his interpretation of the Kubla Khan court when under the influence of opiates. Due to the complexity of the poem, many have found that the poem lacks a true theme but instead focu ses on â€Å"the nature and dialectical process of poetic creation.† Coleridge created a masterpiece by providing the readers room for personal interpretation butRead More Poetic Inspiration in Kubla Khan and Rime of the Ancient Mariner2238 Words   |  9 PagesPoetic Inspiration in Kubla Khan and Rime of the Ancient Mariner      Ã‚  Ã‚   An examination of the characters that Coleridge presents in The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and Kubla Khan and the situations in which they find themselves reveals interesting aspects of Coleridges own character that are both similar to and different from the characters named in the titles of these poems. In particular, an examination of these characters with an eye toward Coleridges conception of poetic inspirationRead MoreKubla Khan Essay1578 Words   |  7 PagesIn the opening lines of Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s paradoxical poem â€Å"Kubla Khan,† we see an approach to literacy that is far different than his predecessors. This is partly due to his role as one of the founders of the Romantic Era. Coleridge, along with William Wordsworth, published an anthology of poems entitled â€Å"Lyrical Ballads.† This collection was the beginning of an overwhelming movement to praise the power of imagination rather than that of reason. While â€Å"Kubla Khanà ¢â‚¬  was not a part of thisRead MoreKubla Khan -1289 Words   |  6 Pages#8220;Kubla Khan#8221; by Samuel Taylor Coleridge is a poem about the creative powers of the poetic mind. Through the use of vivid imagery Coleridge reproduces a paradise-like vision of the landscape and kingdom created by Kubla Khan. The poem changes to the 1st person narrative and the speaker then attempts to recreate a vision he saw. Through the description of the visions of Kubla Khan#8217;s palace and the speaker#8217;s visions the poem tells of the creation of an enchanting beautifulRead MoreRomanticism was developed in the late 18th century and supported a shift from faith in reason to800 Words   |  4 Pageseffect on men. Therefore, the glory and beauty of nature and the power of the natural world was accentuated commonly. The topic â€Å"nature† has been developed in many important novels and poems including Mary Shelley’s â€Å"Frankenstein† and Samuel Taylor Coleridgeâ €™s â€Å"Kubla Khan†. Romantic writers like Mary Shelley portrayed nature as the greatest and the most perfect force in the universe. They used words like â€Å"sublime† to convey the flawlessness and the power of the nature world. For example, Mary Shelley

Ethnographic Research free essay sample

The roots of this confusion are explored and examples of â€Å"thick description† are provided. The article closes with guidelines for presenting â€Å"thick description† in written reports. Key Words: Thick Description, Ethnography, Grounded Theory, Phenomenology, Thick Interpretation, Thick Meaning, and Qualitative Writing One of the most important concepts in the lexicon of qualitative researchers is â€Å"thick description. In fact, the Subject Index of virtually every major textbook on qualitative methods published during the last three decades includes one or more entries under either â€Å"thick description,† or â€Å"description, thick† (Bogdan Biklen, 2003; Creswell, 1998; Denzin, 1989; Denzin Lincoln, 2005; Lincoln Guba, 1985; Marshall Rossman, 1999; Patton, 1990, to name but a few). Despite the widespread use and acceptance of the term â€Å"thick description,† in qualitative research, there appears to be some confusion over precisel y what the concept means (Holloway, 1997; Schwandt, 2001). Personally, I can relate to this confusion on two levels. First, in my own qualitative research and writing over the years, I have at times struggled to fully understand the concept of â€Å"thick description. † Second, in my experience teaching and supervising qualitative research, I find that students and colleagues struggle in their attempts to understand and practice â€Å"thick description† in their work. It was this set of struggles that led me to study the concept of â€Å"thick description† more closely, and to share my findings with the readership of The Qualitative Report (TQR). The goals of this Brief Note are to (a) clarify the origins of the concept of â€Å"thick description†; (b) trace its evolution across various disciplines; (c) define the concept comprehensively; (d) provide exemplars of â€Å"thick description† in the published literature; and (e) offer guidelines for presenting â€Å"thick description† in non-ethnographic studies. In meeting these goals, I hope to bring some clarity and consensus to our understanding and usage of the concept â€Å"thick description. Origins of â€Å"Thick Description† Though many researchers cite North American anthropologist Clifford Geertz’s (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures, when they introduce â€Å"thick description,† the term and concept originate, as Geertz himself notes, with Gilbert Ryle, a British metaphysical philosopher at the University of Oxford. The root of the concept can be found in Ryle’s 539 The Qualitative Report September 2006 (1949) Concept of the Mind where he discussed in great detail â€Å"the description of intellectual work† (p. 05). The first presentation of the actual term, â€Å"thick† description, appears to come from two of Ryle’s lectures published in the mid 1960s titled Thinking and Reflecting and The Thinking of Thoughts: [colon added] What is †La Penseur† Doing? Both lectures were published in Ryle’s (1971) Collected Papers, Volume II, Collected Essays 1929-1968, and can be easily located by the interested qualitative researcher. For Ryle (1971) â€Å"thick† description involved ascribing intentionality to one’s behavior. He used the following example, A single golfer, with six golf balls in front of him [sic], hitting each of them, one after another, towards one and the same green. He [sic] then goes and collects the balls, comes back to where he [sic] was before, and does it again. What is he doing? (p. 474) The â€Å"thin† description of this behavior is that the golfer is repeatedly hitting a little round white object with a club like device toward a green. The â€Å"thick† description interprets the behavior within the context of the golf course and the game of golf, and ascribes thinking and intentionality to the observed behavior. In this case, the golfer is practicing approach shots on the green in anticipation of a future real golf match (which usually includes two or four players) with the hope that the practicing of approach shots at the present time will improve his approach shot skill in a real match at some time in the future. Thus for Ryle, â€Å"thick† description involves understanding and absorbing the context of the situation or behavior. It also involves ascribing present and future intentionality to the behavior. Evolution of â€Å"Thick Description† The term â€Å"thick† description became part of the qualitative researcher’s vocabulary when Geertz borrowed Ryle’s (1971) philosophical term to describe the work of ethnography. Geertz (1973) stated the following, From one point of view, that of the textbook, doing ethnography is establishing rapport, selecting informants, transcribing texts, taking genealogies, mapping fields, keeping a diary, and so on. But it is not these things, techniques and received procedures that define the enterprise. What defines it is the kind of intellectual effort it is: an elaborate venture in, to borrow a notion from Gilbert Ryle, â€Å"thick description. † (p. 6) (Note: Geertz was the first to put parentheses around â€Å"thick description,† Ryle only put quotation marks around â€Å"thick†. ) Geertz (1973) believed that the data of anthropological writing was â€Å"really our own constructions of other people’s constructions of what they and their compatriots are up to† (p. ). Therefore, for a reader of anthropological work to gauge for herself or himself the credibility of the author’s interpretations, the context under which these interpretations were made must be richly and thickly described. Joseph G. Ponterotto 540 Geertz’s (1973) adaptation of â€Å"thick description† was expanded upon by the noted qualitative researcher and Professor of C ommunications, Sociology, and Humanities, Norman K. Denzin, who noted, A thick description †¦ does more than record what a person is doing. It goes beyond mere fact and surface appearances. It presents detail, context, emotion, and the webs of social relationships that join persons to one another. Thick description evokes emotionality and self-feelings. It inserts history into experience. It establishes the significance of an experience, or the sequence of events, for the person or persons in question. In thick description, the voices, feelings, actions, and meanings of interacting individuals are heard. (Denzin, 1989, p. 3) Denzin’s (1989) elaboration of â€Å"thick description† introduced Geertz’s anthropological term and Ryle’s philosophical concept to the disciplines of sociology, communications, and humanities. In his classic book on Interpretive Interactionism, Denzin devotes a full chapter to elaborating on the concept of â€Å"thick description. † I believe it was Denzin’s literary detail in describing â€Å"thick description† that has had the most significant impa ct in promoting the term’s worldwide use by qualitative researchers across intellectual disciplines. In essence, Denzin extended the utility of â€Å"thick description† as an anthropological construct used in ethnography, and particularly in participant observation, to the wider audience of qualitative researchers (e. g. , in sociology, psychology, education) and qualitative approaches (e. g. , phenomenology, grounded theory). Defining â€Å"Thick Description† In digesting the work of Geertz (1973) and Denzin (1989), as reflected in their long quotes in the above section, we can gather a sense of what â€Å"thick description† includes and how it differs from â€Å"thin description. A search for more specific definitions of â€Å"thick description† led me to two â€Å"dictionaries† of qualitative terms and concepts: Schwandt’s (2001) Dictionary of Qualitative Inquiry and Holloway’s (1997) Basic Concepts for Qualitative Research. In presenting their concise definitions of â€Å"thick description,† Schwandt cites Geertz (1973), w hile Holloway cites both Geertz and Ryle (1949). Schwandt stated the following, Many qualitative inquirers emphasize the importance of â€Å"thick† as opposed to â€Å"thin† description. It is not entirely clear just what thick description is, however. Most efforts to define it emphasize that thick description is not simply a matter of amassing relevant detail. Rather to thickly describe social action is actually to begin to interpret it be recording the circumstances, meanings, intentions, strategies, motivations, and so on that characterize a particular episode. It is this interpretive characteristic of description rather than detail per se that makes it thick. (Schwandt, 2001, p. 255) 541 The Qualitative Report September 2006 Holloway’s definition is consistent with that of Schwandt, who noted that The notion of thick description is often misunderstood. It must be theoretical and analytical in that researchers concern themselves with the abstract and general patterns and traits of social life in a culture. This type of description aims to give readers a sense of the emotions, thoughts and perceptions that research participant’s experience. It deals not only with the meaning and interpretations of people in a culture but also with their intentions. Thick description builds up a clear picture of the individuals and groups in the context of their culture and the setting in which they live †¦ Thick description can be contrasted with thin description (bold in original), which is a superficial account and does not explore the underlying meanings of cultural members. (Holloway, 1997, p. 154) There are some commonalities in both Schwandt’s (2001) and Holloway’s definitions of â€Å"thick description. † First, both acknowledge that the term is confusing, and therefore not well understood. Second, both attempt to give meaning to â€Å"thick description† by contrasting it with â€Å"thin description. Third, both definitions emphasize that thick description involves much more than amassing great detail: It speaks to context and meaning as well as interpreting participant intentions in their behaviors and actions. I will now explore these three definitional commonalities in greater detail. Confusion in the Meaning of â€Å"Thick Description† The fact that both Holloway (1997) and Schwandt (2001) find the concept of â€Å"thick description† confusing is understandable for at least two reasons. The first reason deals with the concept’s evolution across intellectual disciplines. Thick description† originated as a qualitative research tool for ethnographers engaged in participant observation research (Geertz, 1973), and then was generalized to serve as a tool for sociologist, psychologists, educators, and others operating from a wide array of qualitative inquiry approaches (Ponterotto Grieger, in press). While â€Å"thick description† seemed fairly clear for its role in ethnography and participant observation (see Denzin, 1989; Geertz), it was less clear with regards to how it would be manifested in other qualitative approaches and procedures such as long interviews and focus groups. A second reason for researchers’ confusion over the term can be attributed to the opinion that there is no unitary or singular form or definition of â€Å"thick description. † For example, in Denzin’s (1989) extensive elaborative work on the concept, he introduces eleven different types of â€Å"thick description†: micro, macro historical, biographical, situational, relational, interactional, intrusive, incomplete, glossed, purely descriptive, and descriptive interpretive. It is beyond my goals for this Brief Note to review all eleven types of â€Å"thick description† so the interested reader is referred to Denzin (pp. 1-98). Suffice it to say, it is not surprising that both novice and seasoned researchers are confused by â€Å"thick description† when there are so many variations. Joseph G. Ponterotto 542 Defining â€Å"Thick Description† by Comparison to â€Å"Thin Description† In part, Holloway (1997) and Schwandt (2001) defin e â€Å"thick description† by contrasting the concept to â€Å"thin description. † This attempt to define-by-contrast has been used by others in trying to explain â€Å"thick description† (e. g. , see Denzin, 1989; Greenblatt, 1997; Ryle, 1971). Sometimes when a concept is quite complex, authors attempt to bring clarity to the concept by contrasting it with what it clearly is not. A good example is Denzin who highlights the features of â€Å"thick description. † (1) It gives the context of an act; (2) it states the intentions and meanings that organize the action; (3) it traces the evolution and development of the act; (4) it presents the action as a text that can then be interpreted. A thin description (italics in original) simply reports facts, independent of intentions or the circumstances that surround an action. (p. 3) â€Å"Thick Description† as Context and Meaning As emphasized by all the authors heretofore referenced in this Brief Note, a central component of â€Å"thick description† is the interpretation of what is being observed or witnessed. Denzin (1989) has made a major contribution to qualitative research by carefully showing the sequential link of â€Å"thick description† to â€Å" thick interpretation. † It is the qualitative researcher’s task to thickly describe social action, so that thick interpretations of the actions can be made, presented in written form, and made available to a wide audience of readers. Without â€Å"thick description,† â€Å"thick interpretation† is not possible. Without â€Å"thick interpretation,† written reports of research will lack credibility and resonance with the research community, the research participants themselves, and with the wider audience of readers for whom the report is intended (Ponterotto Grieger, in press). It is the thick interpretive work of researchers that brings readers to an understanding of the social actions being reported upon. Essence of â€Å"Thick Description† In integrating the work of Ryle (1971), Geertz (1973), Denzin (1989), Holloway (1997), and Schwandt (2001), one can extract the following essential components of â€Å"thick description. † 1. â€Å"Thick description† involves accurately describing and interpreting social actions within the appropriate context in which the social action took place. 2. â€Å"Thick description† captures the thoughts, emotions, and web of social interaction among observed participants in their operating context. 3. A central feature to interpreting social actions entails assigning motivations and intentions for the said social actions. . The context for, and the specifics of, the social action are so well described that the reader experiences a sense of verisimilitude as they read the researcher’s account. For Denzin (1989), verisimilitude refers to â€Å"truthlike statements that 543 The Qualitative Report September 2006 produce for readers the feeling that they have experienced, or could experience, the events being described. † (pp. 83-84) 5. â€Å"Thick description† of social actions promotes â€Å"thick interpretation† of these actions, which lead to â€Å"thick meaning† of the findings that resonate with readers (Ponterotto Grieger, in press). I like to use the metaphor of a tree to explain the interconnection of these three concepts. The â€Å"thick description† constitutes the roots of the tree that nourish and feed â€Å"thick interpretation,† represented by the solid trunk of the tree, which in turn feeds the branches and leaves of the tree, which represent the â€Å"thick meaning. † It is the branches and leaves that most capture the viewers’ attention, as is the case with â€Å"thick meaning,† which grasps the attention of the reader of the study. Working Definition of â€Å"Thick Description† The five central components of â€Å"thick description,† just described, lend themselves to the following working definition of the concept: Thick description refers to the researcher’s task of both describing and interpreting observed social action (or behavior) within its particular context. The context can be within a smaller unit (such as a couple, a family, a work environment) or within a larger unit (such as one’s village, a community, or general culture). Thick description accurately describes observed social actions and assigns purpose and intentionality to these actions, by way of the researcher’s understanding and clear description of the context under which the social actions took place. Thick description captures the thoughts and feelings of participants as well as the often complex web of relationships among them. Thick description leads to thick interpretation, which in turns leads to thick meaning of the research findings for the researchers and participants themselves, and for the report’s intended readership. Thick meaning of findings leads readers to a sense of versimilitude, wherein they can cognitively and emotively â€Å"place† themselves within the research context. Thick Description in Practice Denzin (1989) provides examples of thick description across all eleven types that he proposes. To locate these examples he draws on published sources of fiction, history, ethnography, and sociology. Below, I highlight three examples of different forms of thick description and then end the Brief Note with some suggestions for the authors of TQR. The first two examples are taken from Liebow’s (2003) ethnographic classic, Tally’s Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men, and demonstrate Denzin’s â€Å"relational† and â€Å"descriptive-interpretive† types of â€Å"thick description. † The third example comes from my own field of counseling psychology and is extracted from counseling pioneer Vasquez’s (2001) lifestory. Tally’s Corner was the outgrowth of Elliot Liebow’s (2003) PhD dissertation in anthropology at Catholic University of America. Many qualitative researchers consider Tally’s Corner to be a classic work in ethnography, and the book is required reading in Joseph G. Ponterotto 44 many qualitative research courses, including my own. To understand the context for the two quotes below, let me provide a snapshot of Tally’s Corner. During 1962 and 1963, Liebow (2003), a White Jewish man born of immigrant parents from Eastern Europe, began working as a fieldworker for a larger research project on child rearing practices among low income families in Washington, DC. One component of this study was a focus on the life and worldview of a particular group of African American â€Å"streetcorner men† who often congregated in front of the â€Å"New Deal Carry-out shop,† a small diner of sorts open seven days a week. The Carry-out has a 10 X 12 customer area with no chairs or tables, so customers ate their food standing up or they took it outside to â€Å"Tally’s Corner. † The quote below describes Liebow’s (2003) first interaction with Tally Jackson. For more than four hours Tally and I lounged around in the Carry-out, talking, drinking coffee, watching people come in and go out, watching other hangers-on as they bantered with the waitresses, horsed around among themselves, or danced to the juke-box. Everyone knew Tally and some frequently sought out his attention. Tally sometimes participated in the banter but we were generally left undisturbed when we were talking. When I left at two o’clock, Tally and I were addressing each other by first names (â€Å"Elliot† was strange to him and we settled for â€Å"Ellix†) and I was able to address the two waitresses by their first names without feeling uncomfortable. I had also learned to identify several other men by their first names or nicknames, had gotten hints on personal relationships, and had a biographical sketch (part of it untrue I learned later) of Tally. The above quote represents the type of â€Å"thick description† Denzin (1989) labels relational. A thick relational description brings a relationship alive† (Denzin, p. 94). In the above quote the reader gathers a vivid sense of the Carry-out and is provided a window into the developing relationship of Liebow (2003) (researcher) and Tally (participant). The second quote below, from Liebow, I would classify as an example of Denzin’s (1989) â€Å"descriptive-interpretive† type of thick description. Denzin noted that The descriptive and interpretive thick description records interpretations that occur within the experience as it is lived†¦. These types of statements are difficult to produce and obtain. They require a person who is able to reflect on experience as it occurs. (p. 98) The context for this quote is one Saturday evening when Liebow attended a locals’ dance at the Capitol Arena. There were more than a thousand people in the small dance hall all jammed together. Liebow was the only White male in attendance, and initially he found the music quite foreign and was not even able to identify some of the band’s instruments, as he had never seen them before. Here is the quote from his field notes. 45 The Qualitative Report September 2006 It was very hot, it was very noisy, it was very smelly, and it was all very exciting. It was impossible to remain simply an observer in a place like this, even for someone as phlegmatic as I. It was only a few minutes after Jackie Wilson started singing that I discovered that the noise wasn’t nearly loud enough, the heat wasn’t nearly hot enough, and the odor from more than a thousand closely packed people was not really strong enough at all. Like everyone else, I wanted more of everything. (p. 65) In this quote the reader can almost visualize the event and experience the senses as Liebow records them. Clearly, the thick description included creates a sense of verisimilitude in the reader. Denzin (1989) highlights that most thick descriptions in the literature do not capture all eleven types of thick description he categorizes. Many include one or perhaps a few of the types in one descriptive prose. Denzin believed that the full or complete thick description was able to capture at one time five of his primary typologies: biographical, historical, situational, relational, and interactional. Below, I draw on my own discipline of counseling psychology to present a quote that I think includes all five types of thick description. The quote is taken from the published lifestory of Melba Vasquez (2001), a pioneer in the field of counseling psychology. Hers is one of 12 lifestories that constitute Part I of the Handbook of Multicultural Counseling (Ponterotto, Casas, Suzuki, Alexander, 2001). Vasquez’s lifestory focuses on life experiences, particularly those that led her to bond strongly with women in society and with the Latino populations. These experiences led her to devote a career to counseling and advocating for Latino people, particularly Latina women. The context for the quote is Vasquez describing her early childhood school experiences as a Mexican American female in a small central Texas town in the 1950s. In this particular scenario she is describing a day on her school bus. One day, a large White boy, about two or three years older, who often bullied us all, came and roughly pushed my sister and me into a corner of our seat because he wanted to sit in that space, across from his friends. I remember the fear and humiliation I felt for myself and my sister. Yet, we did nothing but sit silently, squashed by his large size. An African American young girl, about his size, saw what happened, and came up, pushed his shoulder and said in a very loud assertive voice, â€Å"What are you doing? You can’t do that to them. They’re sitting there, can’t you see, and you’re crowding them. Move. Now! † He looked at her defiantly and said, â€Å"This ain’t your business. † She glared back and said, â€Å"It is now. † The whole bus got quiet. She repeated in a low voice, â€Å"Move. Now. He got up and moved. The young Black girl went to her seat, came back, gave us each a piece of hard candy, and watched over us and others like us for the rest of the year. (p. 69) I believe this quote captures aspects of the five key types of thick description advocated by Denzin (1989), and that represents, for him, the exemplar of â€Å"thick description. † It is biographical, in terms of placing the scenario chronologically (1950s) Joseph G. Ponterotto 546 in the context of Vasquez’s life growing up as a Mexican American female, in a small Texas town where racism was common. It is historical because it â€Å"attempts to bring an earlier historical moment of experience alive in vivid detail† (Denzin, p. 92). It is situational because it â€Å"creates a visual picture of the situation† and locates the person in the situation (p. 94). It is clearly relational in that it brings a relationship alive, in this case the relationship of Vasquez to her sister as well as to a helping school mate. Finally, it is interactional because the vignette focuses â€Å"on interactions between two or more persons† (Denzin, p. 95). Understanding â€Å"Thick Description† Beyond Ethnography and Lifestory Analysis The examples f â€Å"thick description† provided above, as well as those highlighted in Denzin (1989), focus, to a large degree, on excerpts taken from ethnography and biography (including autobiography and lifestories). However, as noted previously in this article, â€Å"thick description† is used across many disciplines (e. g. , education. sociology, psychology, program evaluation) and inquiry approaches (e. g. , phenomenology, grounded theory, case study) (see Morrow, 2005; Ponterotto Grieger, in press). A majority of qualitative studies in a variety of disciplines (e. g. psychology, education) rely extensively on long interviews (Polkinghorne, 2005). In this final section, I propose how â€Å"thick description† might be manifested in a common interview study organized along the American Psychological Association’s recommended manuscript structure of Method (Participants and Procedures), Results, and Discussion. Participants â€Å"Thick description† of one’s sample would entail describing fully the participants of the study without compromising anonymity. A thickly described sample facilitates the reader’s ability to visualize the sample including their r elevant demographic and psychological characteristics. For example, an interview study with college students seeking services at a university counseling center might report demographic characteristics such as gender, race, age, socioeconomic, academic standing, immigration status, generation level, and so forth. Psychological characteristics reported might include presenting concerns, past experience with counseling, history of trauma, levels of racial and ethnic identity, and so forth. Procedures Describing the setting and procedures in adequate detail provides a context for understanding the study’s results. Returning to our university counseling center example, a detailed description of the campus and surrounding environment is important, as are more general characteristics of the university such as size, demographic make-up, affiliations, competitive level, and so forth. Factors such as the location of the interviews, the length and recording procedures for the interviews, and the interviewer’s and interviewee’s reactions to the interviews all provide a sense of verisimilitude to the reader, and makes understanding (and critiquing) the author’s interpretation in the Results and Discussion sections more accessible. 47 The Qualitative Report September 2006 Results â€Å"Thick description† of results presents adequate â€Å"voice† of participants; that is, long quotes from the participants or excerpts of interviewer-interview dialogue. Again, a sense of verisimilitude is achieved as the reader can visualize the participant-interviewer interactions and ge ts a sense of the cognitive and emotive state of the interviewee (and interviewer). â€Å"Thick description† of results flows smoothly from a Method section that is thickly presented. Discussion A thickly described Discussion section of a qualitative interview report successfully merges the participants’ lived experiences with the researcher’s interpretations of these experiences, thus creating thick meaning for the reader as well as for the participants and researcher. The reader is, thus, able to digest the essential elements of the findings, and is able to discern whether she or he would have come to the same interpretive conclusions as the report’s author. Conclusion This Brief Note has reviewed the origins, evolution, definitions, and some examples of â€Å"thick description. The concept of â€Å"thick description† is often used and widely cited in qualitative research across disciplines and research approaches. Despite the concept’s popularity, it does cause confusion among scholars and students alike. Hopefully, this Brief Note, based in part on my own struggles to understand the concept, has brought some clarity to the c oncept of â€Å"thick description.

International Arbitrage and Interest Rate Parity free essay sample

There are three forms of international arbitrage: location arbitrage, triangular arbitrage and covered interest arbitrage. Location arbitrage is a process where a participant of the foreign exchange can go to one place, bank in a specified location, to purchase a currency at a lower price and then sell it to another location where the currency is priced higher. The prices of currencies are roughly the same; however, at times currency in one place can sell for more or less than in another place based on the supply and demand for the specified currency. This is the window of opportunity where arbitragers can immediately purchase the currency in one place and sell it to another before market forces naturally realign the prices. The act of location arbitrage is a way to readjust prices so that they are once again equal in all places. However, due to the advancement in technology within the exchange market, it is very difficult to use this process since computers are able to detect currency discrepancies. We will write a custom essay sample on International Arbitrage and Interest Rate Parity or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Triangular arbitrage is used by the discrepancy of prices within cross exchange rates which is the relationship between two currencies that are different from one’s base currency. If the cross exchange rate is less than the actual cross exchange rate of two currencies of the base currency, triangular arbitrage can be used in the spot market to capitalize on the difference. The greater the bid/ask spread the higher the profit from using triangular arbitrage. The impact of triangular is as follows: (1) When a participant uses their base currency to buy one currency, the bank, of which the currency is bought, increases its ask price of the currency with respect to the base currency, (2) the participant then goes to purchase the other currency with the bought currency which causes the bank, of which the currency is bought, to reduce its bid price of the initial currency bought with respect to the second currency bought and ultimately reduces the number of the second currency to be exchanged for the initial currency, and (3) finally, the participant uses the second currency bought to ult to conduct ecause it is rare to identify arbitrage opportunities due to the technological advancements in the foreign exchange market. Covered interest arbitrage is the process of capitalizing of the difference of interest rates between two countries while hedging the exchange rate risk with a forward contract. How this works is that one will invest a specif ied amount of money in a different country bank by converting one’s base currency to the other currency. At that same time, one can sell a forward of the amount of the exchanged currency plus the interest of the foreign bank. Once the deposit matures, one can fulfill the forward contract obligation by converting the amount of the forward into the base currency. This process will reveal a profit only if the foreign bank has a higher interest rate than one’s home bank or else, this would all be a waste of time and effort. What is different about this process as oppose to location arbitrage and triangular arbitrage is that this process requires funds to be held for the length of the contract. The other two forms of arbitrage do not require funds to be held and profits are immediately achieved. Covered interest arbitrage will, as the other forms do, cause the market to naturally realign itself. Investors capitalizing on this process will cause a downward pressure on forwards that are sold as a means of this form of arbitrage. The realignment of the forward rate might not be completed until several transactions have occurred. However, the realignment does not cause investors who have gained from arbitrage to loss their gains since they had obtained a forward contract on the day they made their investment. The act to sell the other currency forward would place a downward pressure on the currency but not enough to lessen or completely offset the benefits of the interest rate advantage. In the process of covered interest arbitrage only the forward rate is affected. It is possible for the spot rate to appreciate but the forward rate would not have to decline by as much. Overall, since the forward market is less liquid, the forward rate is more sensitive to market changes and there is likely to experience most or all of the adjustments need to realign the market. Once there are no opportunities of arbitrage because the prices of currencies have adjusted to where they should be based on the market, there is an equilibrium state referred to as interest rate parity (IRP). In equilibrium, the forward rate differs from the spot rate by a large amount to offset the interest rate difference between the two countries. The relationship between a forward premium for a foreign currency and the interest rates representing these currencies according to IRP can be determined by the following variables: Ah : The amount of the home currency that is initially invested S : The spot rate in the home currency when the foreign currency is purchased if : The interest rate on the foreign deposit F : The forward rate in the home currency at which the foreign currency will be converted back the home currency. The amount of home currency received at the end of the deposit period due to this strategy (An ) is An = (Ah / S)(1+ if) F This is how the rate of return (R) is calculated from this investment:

The Common Book of Baby and Child Care

The Common Book of Baby and Child Care Dr. Benjamin Spocks revolutionary book about how to raise children was first published on July 14, 1946. The book, The Common Book of Baby and Child Care, completely changed how children were raised in the latter half of the 20th century and  has become one of the best-selling non-fiction books of all time. Dr. Spock Learns About Children Dr. Benjamin Spock (1903-1998) first began learning about children as he grew up, helping take care of his five younger siblings. Spock earned his medical degree at Columbia Universitys College of Physicians and Surgeons in 1924 and focused on pediatrics. However, Spock thought he could help children even more if he understood psychology, so he spent six years studying at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute. Spock spent many years working as a pediatrician but had to give up his private practice in 1944 when he joined the U.S. Naval Reserve. After the war, Spock decided on a teaching career, eventually working for the Mayo Clinic and teaching at such schools as the University of Minnesota, the University of Pittsburgh, and Case Western Reserve. Dr. Spocks Book With the aid of his wife, Jane, Spock spent several years writing his first and most famous book, The Common Book of Baby and Child Care. The fact that Spock wrote in a congenial manner and included humor made his revolutionary changes to child care easier to accept. Spock advocated that fathers should play an active role in raising their children and that parents will not spoil their baby if they pick him up when he cries. Also revolutionary was that Spock thought that parenting could be enjoyable, that each parent could have a special and loving bond with their children, that some mothers could get the blue feeling (postpartum depression), and that parents should trust their instincts. The first edition of the book, especially the paperback version, was a big seller right from the start. Since that first 25-cent copy in 1946, the book has been repeatedly revised and republished. So far, Dr. Spocks book has been translated into 42 languages and sold more than 50 million copies. Dr. Spock did write several other books, but his The Common Book of Baby and Child Care remains his most popular. Revolutionary What seems like ordinary, normal advice now was completely revolutionary at the time. Before Dr. Spocks book, parents were told to keep their babies on a strict schedule, so strict that if a baby was crying before its prescribed feeding time that parents should let the baby continue crying. Parents were not allowed to give in to the childs whims. Parents were also instructed not to coddle, or show too much love, to their babies for that would spoil them and make them weak.  If parents were uncomfortable with the rules, they were told that doctors know best and thus they should follow these instructions anyway. Dr. Spock said just the opposite. He told them that babies dont need such strict schedules, that it is okay to feed babies if they are hungry outside the prescribed eating times, and that parents should  show their babies love. And if anything seemed difficult or uncertain, then parents should follow their instincts. New parents in the post-World War II era readily embraced these changes to parenting and raised the entire baby boom generation with these new tenets. Controversy There are some that blame Dr. Spock for the unruly, anti-government youth of the 1960s, believing that it was Dr. Spocks new, softer approach to parenting that was responsible for that wild generation. Other recommendations in the earlier editions of the book have been debunked, such as putting your babies to sleep on their stomachs. We now know that this causes a greater incidence of SIDS. Anything so revolutionary will have its detractors and anything written seven decades ago will need to be amended, but that does not deflate the importance of Dr. Spocks book. It is not an overstatement to say that Dr. Spocks book completely changed the way parents raised their babies and their children.

DBQ US History essays

DBQ US History essays The British Colonies began to develop a great sense of identity by mid-1700. It was mainly due to new duties enforced by the British Parliament; British colonies, however, opposed them. British colonies found out that reconciliation was not possible. There was not any other way but independence. Independence would have never been achieved without a vital unity and a great sense of identity. Although British colonies thought that they were individual colonies and tried to separate themselves from each other, they were judged same and attacked same in time of battle. Somewhat ironically, this achievement of unity was started by the British. At the sign of potential war against France and the native Americans, the British government summoned an intercolonial congress to Albany in 1754. Benjamin Franklin addressed his concerns about colonial unity in an artistic way. In Document A, the snake is split into individual pieces and are thus powerless. The colonies could only survive war if they were to Join and unite as one; If they failed to do that, they would eventually Die. Colonies were very dependent on the Britain while going through the French and Indian war. Because of that, Britain decided to leave her army in America for defence, and tax colonies for that. Colonies did not like that, because they thought they do not need British army because enemies were gone. They became even furious when the British parliament imposed more taxes and more new duties on them: the Suger act, the Quartering Act, Stamp Act, and Townshend Acts. Colonists shouted of no taxation without representation. Some colonists even promoted street violence and open confrontations with the British Army. Colonies were also united to enforce the Nonimportation Act, which prohibited importation from Britain. In 1774, the First Continental Congress was assembled to nullify all the acts enforced by British. They were determined...

Managment of change Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Managment of change - Assignment Example Its main objectives are to collaborate with the South Australian Country Fire Service, the Commissioner of Police, and the South Australian Metropolitan Fire Service in cases of emergency. The South Australian State Emergency Service workers also work with State Coordinators to conduct preparedness and prevention exercises as well as recovery operations as stipulated in the Emergency Management Act of 2004. The South Australian State Emergency Service is also mandated to function as the main authority in cases where during emergencies such as floods, there are no other lawful authorities present to take over the rescue operations. Thesis: South Australia State Emergency Service must change its strategy in order to ensure high effectiveness. For any change to be successfully overseen in an emergency management agency there has to be an agreement among the establishment’s board members that there is a need for a more developed culture, strategy and structure. Any decision to implement change ought to be made after serious consultations so that the change process does not merely serve as a shortcut to experimenting with production processes for any reason. In most emergency agencies, such a decision is reached by the appointed change manager. It is also prioritised in terms of who to try first, second, third and so on. The emergency management sector in Australia is also populated by the workers of non-governmental organisations as well as volunteers. There are approximately 500,000 volunteers in the South Australian State Emergency Service; of whom 350,000 participate in recovery and response operations. In Western Australia, there are fourteen emergency management districts, with each having its own District Emer gency Management Committee (DEMC) (King 2004). The principal function of the DEMCs is to contribute towards the sustenance of efficient emergency